Sidebar: It's
a Bird. It's a plane. It's . . . Nelson Mandela?
We feel a little
like Lucy and Ethel, agog at the political conveyor belt
rushing by. After inspecting more than 70 candidates and
half a dozen ballot measures, we settled on the list that
follows, including some longtime favorites (Klassic Katz,
Heavenly Hosticka) and some promising new offerings (Edible
Rex and Ringo's Star). Along the way, we made a few observations:
1. Timing is everything. Soaring spring gas prices dramatically
affected the May ballot, when backers of the gas-tax hike
put their campaign in neutral. (We didn't waste space on
Ballot Measure 82, which deserves its ballot-box thrashing.)
The campaign's premature end siphoned interest from the
entire election and created headaches for school officials,
who need at least a 50 percent turnout for their local measures
to pass.
2. Incumbency is daunting. Not a single city or county commissioner
is running scared this election, and at Metro, only Ed Washington
looks worried. The dearth of serious challengers is too
bad; there's nothing like a little fear to drive away the
complacency of incumbency.
3. Term limits aren't the answer. Limiting state legislative
careers was supposed to bring bold new ideas to Salem. With
a couple of notable exceptions, we didn't see it. In fact,
we increasingly find ourselves drawn to the experience that
former legislators such as Frank Shields, Carl Hosticka
and Margaret Carter show as they seek new political posts.
4. Everyone says they love kids; few mean it. From state
treasurer candidates to would-be Metro councilors, candidates
all bow to the altar of education. But we didn't find any
candidate with an original idea on school funding.
5. Democracy still works. We left our month of political
sampling a bit bloated and weary, but energized. We hope
our endorsement issue helps you feel the same.
TABLE OF CONTESTS
Mayor/
city council
Metro
County
Commission
State
Supreme Court
State
Treasurer
Secretary
of State
State
Senate
State
House
State
and Local Measures
Congress
MAYOR
VERA KATZ
Last fall we practically begged qualified candidates to
step forward and challenge Vera Katz. It's not that we don't
like the mayor. In fact, by our calculations WW has
endorsed her XX times over the past quarter-century. But
we had the distinct impression that she was getting complacent
at City Hall.
Following that call, no less than 16 candidates challenged
her--a record for Portland--and yet, here we are again,
asking you to give Aunt Vera your vote.
That's partly because none of her challengers is capable
of running this city, let alone mounting a serious campaign.
Many seem bent on using their candidacy to confront the
mayor over their own issues, real or imagined. As one City
Hall aide quipped, "You don't have to be crazy to run for
mayor, but it sure helps!"
That probably overstates the situation. But the fact is,
only three of the mayor's challengers have their act together
enough to make candidate forums bearable.
Jake Oken-Berg is running the most serious campaign. A
former intern to City Commissioner Erik Sten, the 19-year-old
college student has been getting plenty of press. If he
were 10 years older, though, he wouldn't get so much attention.
His progressive agenda is not backed by the personal depth
or life experience necessary to the job. He is a novelty,
pure and simple.
Longtime activist Bruce Broussard, by comparison, seems
to better understand his role in this race. He's using the
campaign to draw attention to two worthy topics: police
oversight and gentrification in North and Northeast Portland.
The challenger who deserves the most consideration is Jason
Fleming. At 25, Fleming, once a homeless teenager, shows
maturity, life experience, ethics and drive. But he lacks
knowledge of how government works, and his inability to
put together a serious campaign suggests he is unprepared
for larger responsibilities.
Which brings us back to Katz.
We haven't completely changed our tune. Katz still seems
a little burned out, uncharacteristically insensitive to
the city's down and out, too cozy with a small clique in
the business community and far too eager to do the city's
business behind closed doors.
Yet, despite her shortcomings, the mayor has been an aggressive
voice for schools and tends to find the middle ground on
important issues such as affordable housing. She has served
as a thoughtful and responsible arbiter on tough issues
such as the Clean River Plan. She has an ability to see
the big picture, even if we don't always like the conclusions
she draws from it.
We hope that Katz's recent disclosure of her brush with
breast cancer will help her open up, overcome her secretive
tendencies, forge a common vision on the council and take
this opportunity to leave a Portland legacy that's much
more than just bricks and mortar.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Hardcore conservatives should vote for
John David Ernsberger, who identifies himself as a "Rush
Limbaugh listener since 1992" and a "James Dobson [head
of Focus on the Family] fan since 1978." He wants to hire
300 new cops and apply trickle-down economics to City Hall
tax policies.
CITY COUNCIL
POSITION 4
CHARLIE HALES
This is not the endorsement Charlie Hales wanted.
Most politicians try to hide their ambitions. Not Charlie.
When he ousted Dick Bogle from the City Council in 1992,
it was clear that he considered the race a warm-up. Come
the year 2000, if not sooner, he'd be gunning for mayor.
Vera Katz screwed up those plans with her bid for a third
term, so Hales must wait.
We don't have any trouble with Hales biding his time in
City Hall. As the senior member of the City Council, Hales
has been a needed fiscal conservative and one of the more
candid politicians you'll find. For example, we asked several
incumbents what they considered the worst example of special-interest
pressure. While the others hemmed and hawed, Hales didn't
even hesitate, accusing the local billboard industry of
using a "campaign of bribery and threats" against City Hall.
Last year he ticked off a lot of developers by characterizing
their new homes as "ugly and stupid."
Still, Hales' wandering eye on the mayor's office does
lead to some second-guessing.
Politicians tend to adhere to one of two maxims: Either
"Dance with the one that brung ya" or "If you can't drink
a lobbyist's whiskey and still vote against him in the morning,
get out of politics."
The second describes Hales.
Just ask the Metropolitan Homebuilders Association. They
backed Hales, their former lobbyist, when he ousted Bogle
in '92. Hales turned around and betrayed them, calling for
more regulation of home design and protection of the urban
growth boundary.
Or you could ask Central Eastside businessmen. They thought
Hales had promised to support their pet project, southbound
I-5 access via a Water Avenue ramp. He voted against it
upon taking office.
In our book, it's a plus to find a politician willing to
reconsider his position and take a stand against his allies.
But there's a nagging suspicion that Hales' political transformation
(the former Republican is now a registered Democrat) is
guided by political polls as much as a change of heart.
We're also unimpressed by his tenure heading the planning
bureau. Under his watch, the city's long-term planning became
such a joke that Katz took over those duties.
Still, he's clearly best man in this race.
Ted Piccolo gives the distinct impression that he's making
up his campaign as he goes along. And the product doesn't
fly.
Piccolo, a former newspaper publisher and radio station
owner, is best known for his opposition to light rail. When
he sticks to his anti-government script, Piccolo does fine.
But lead him into other areas and his improv routine is
painful. Running a classic outsider campaign, the Native
American opened our interview by saying he'll listen to
the disenfranchised--his campaign literature even depicts
a large ear. But at no time during the next hour did he
mention any ideas for assisting low-income residents. And
when it came to police oversight--the hottest topic in many
Portland neighborhoods--Piccolo admitted he hadn't studied
the issue. Finally, it's hard to reconcile Piccolo's claim
to represent the little people with the list of his big
contributors, which includes Bill "Don't tax the wealthy"
Sizemore and motel mogul Mark Hemstreet.
In the past few years, Piccolo has played a valuable role
lobbing grenades, some of them deserved, from outside City
Hall. But he fails to make the case that he now deserves
a seat inside.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: In 1992, during his initial bid for City
Council, Charlie Hales ended his WW endorsement interview
with a plea. "I don't know if this is proper," he said,
"but I'd like to say that I really would like your endorsement."
He got it, and proceeded to edge out ex-newsman Chuck Dimond
to replace Bogle.
CITY COUNCIL
POSITION 1
JIM FRANCESCONI
More than any race, this primary lineup is a testament
to the politics of war chests.
City Commissioner Jim Francesconi shook down contributors
to the jaw-dropping tune of $80,000 last fall--a period
in which his fellow council incumbents hadn't even bothered
raising any money yet.
His financial success, intended to scare off serious challengers,
had a payoff, and her name is Gloria Harris.
Francesconi's sole opponent, Harris is a gentle and well-meaning
social worker who is rightfully sick of the prejudice and
inattention afforded North and Northeast Portland. However,
she is so unfamiliar with city policies and so fearful of
criticizing anyone, including even her opponent, that she
is unable to carry on a meaningful debate.
Francesconi, though principled and intelligent, is also
timid at times. He's gotten a reputation as a waffler on
the council, needlessly agonizing over the most routine
issues, and has had problems developing enough credibility
and trust to get much of anything done. Given the criticism
he's drawn from the business community and former supporters,
it's surprising he does not have a more serious challenger.
In fairness, he's taken important stands on votes such
as Freightliner's application for the city's multimillion-dollar
tax-break program, where he led the fight to improve accountability.
Considering the promise he showed during his first campaign,
a few accomplishments during his first term and his lack
of a credible challenger, he gets our vote.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: On Jan. 11, Oregonian columnist
Steve Duin scorched Francesconi in a piece headlined, "Jim's
second term: threat or opportunity?"
Metro
DISTRICT 3
CARL HOSTICKA
This Easter season, a couple of eggheads are mixing it
up in Metro's District 3. As much as they can, that is.
When professors do politics, the result is an odd brand
of collegiality. Seeing Carl Hosticka and Jon Mandaville
in person, you'd think they were taking tea at some obscure
international-studies conference, not fighting for their
political lives.
It's an amusing dynamic considering who they're trying
to replace in this sprawling district, which includes most
of Washington and a good chunk of Clackamas County: Jon
Kvistad, the three-term conservative whose favorite pastime
was making Metro administrator Mike Burton dodge grenades.
Hosticka, 55, of Wilsonville, is a professor of public
policy at University of Oregon's Portland Center. Mandaville,
63, of Tigard, specializes in Middle Eastern studies at
Portland State University.
Both seem accomplished scholars, but that's where the similarity
ends. Mandaville is bright and witty and has a good command
of Metro's budget, but hasn't gone much beyond the classroom
for 35 years.
When it comes to the tension between conserving land and
developing it, Mandaville's views are clear. He's not fond
of the urban growth boundary and would oppose efforts to
make developers pay for the public costs of their new subdivisions.
At times, he concedes, he has agreed with agency critics
who want to dismantle the UGB--an admission that makes us
wonder whether he would work to save Metro or destroy it.
Hosticka, by contrast, supports the UGB (though he allows
that it might have to be expanded) and imposing fees on
developers.
Most important, Hosticka has a better résumé.
Having served as a U of O vice president, he has administrative
skills. And from 1983 to 1994, he represented Lane County
in the state Legislature, where he won praise from liberals
and conservatives alike.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Talk about an odd couple: The conservative
Mandaville is married to Diane Martinez, a liberal former
California state rep who in 1998 came within four points
of knocking off that state's insurance commissioner, Chuck
Quackenbush, despite being heavily outspent.
DISTRICT 5
REX BURKHOLDER
When it comes to political partying, Metro is the nerdy-looking
guy in the corner who nobody knows.
Most tri-county residents live in blissful ignorance of
their parks, planning and trash agency. This is often a
lucky thing for the officials who work there.
During the past year, Metro's bean counters revealed that
the agency has nearly drained its general-fund balance.
The council spent months arguing over how to spend a landfill-fee
windfall that never came. And in February, a Willamette
Week investigation raised serious questions about the
money Metro spent to acquire open spaces. Now there's talk
of charter reform, finding a new way to raise money, and
possibly expanding the regional government.
Metro is an agency at a crossroads. So who shall lead,
and with what style?
Nowhere is that question more relevant than in the District
5 race, covering most of Portland.
The choice lies between eight-year incumbent Ed Washington,
who has spent his life getting along with people, and challenger
Rex Burkholder, a bicycle activist who's made a career of
getting in everyone's face.
This was one of the toughest choices we made.
Washington, a former US West spokesman and past head of
the local NAACP, is mild-mannered, well-spoken, congenial
and funny. He's often used those attributes to help keep
peace on the seven-member council--not an easy job.
But Washington has not shown leadership, energy or creativity.
He usually votes with the majority, and some blame him for
using a hands-off style while heading the committee that
oversaw the $60 million garbage-fee windfall last year--leading
to a public-relations disaster. The council did so many
flip-flops it resembled an Olympic gymnast; after taking
back the planned rebate, councilors realized that the money
may not even have existed.
Burkholder, for his part, pedals into this race with a
bit of baggage, too.
While building the state's influential Bicycle Transportation
Alliance, he developed a reputation as one who refuses to
compromise or listen to opposing views. His platform includes
some unrealistic ideas, such as making Metro take responsibility
for saving our schools. There is the risk that he'll become
yet another irrelevant green-leaning ideologue and help
fuel the conservative backlash against Metro.
We're confident, however, that he can be much more than
an activist, that he can represent his region and learn
to compromise.
Right now, Metro's future hangs in the balance. A couple
of newcomers, Presiding Officer David Bragdon and Councilor
Rod Parks, are pushing the agency in the right direction,
but they desperately need allies who are smart, creative
and tireless. In that respect, Burkholder is the clear choice.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Washington, with a developer-friendly
record and corporate background, would seem to have the
edge in fund raising. Burkholder, however, has collected
$54,988, four times Washington's stash. And he's done it
largely with small donations.
County
MULTNOMAH COUNTY COMMISSION
DISTRICT 3
LISA NAITO
Lisa Naito is like the html gibberish at the end of e-mail
messages: You know it's there but aren't quite sure what
it does. There's a reason Naito is both familiar and unknown:
She was, at best, an average three-term state rep, and her
stint as a Metro councilor seemed primarily a stepping stone
to her County Commission election two years ago. But there
are hints that she's beginning to change: With Diane Linn,
she slammed the county's new non-smoking ordinance through
the commission; she helped resolve the nasty fight over
the county's new Rivergate jail; and she helped nix the
so-called pet-food tax. She's now pushing the county to
straighten out its early-childhood-development programs.
So there's hope--enough for us to endorse Naito over Ron
McCarty, the wacky perennial officer seeker who somehow
managed to win a seat on the Mount Hood Community College
Board.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: McCarty, too, is an ex-legislator. His
performance in WW's biennial rating of lawmakers--"The
Good, the Bad and the Awful"--was so abysmal that in 1987,
WW had to create a new category just for him: "Beyond
All Hope."
MULTNOMAH COUNTY COMMISSION
DISTRICT 4
FRANK SHIELDS
Of all the races on the primary ballot, none was as vexing
for us as this open post on the Multnomah County Commission.
The five-member commission oversees $900 million a year
that covers jails and social services. This year the veteran
member, Sharron Kelley, is termed-out, leaving East County
residents with a choice between two main contenders: Dan
Oldham, executive assistant to Sheriff Dan Noelle, and state
Sen. Frank Shields.
Shields gets our nod, with some misgivings.
In his eight years in the Legislature, Shields has proven
to be a tireless advocate for senior citizens and the poor.
Although he can be a windbag, he walks his talk more than
most politicians. The former pastor of Sunnyside Methodist
Church, he opened his doors to the homeless back when no
other church in this city was ministering to their stomachs.
Sure, Shields must shoulder some of the blame for the recent
Sunnyside fracas, but he says he's learned from it.
In Salem, Shields' main problem has been his inability
to span the ideological divide between himself and the GOP
leadership. That won't be a problem on the nominally non-partisan
County Commission (all Democrat, all the time), which seems
a good match to Shields' politics and passions.
That said, Oldham is a tempting choice for a couple of
reasons.
First, he's won some praise for his work in the sheriff's
office, particularly in helping site the new Rivergate jail
and as Noelle's liaison to the board.
Second, although he's hardly a right-winger, he, much more
than Shields, would shake things up in the People's Republic
of Multnomah. When it comes to tax policies and policing
issues, Oldham is guaranteed to be more conservative than
Shields--something that might better reflect the views of
East County voters.
Oldham, however, has never held elected office, and could
not fully articulate his views during an endorsement interview.
If this race ends up in a fall runoff, as many expect,
Oldham should use the campaign to better define his message.
Until then, we're sticking with what we know in Shields.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: The other two candidates in this race
share the most politically powerful surname in contemporary
Oregon politics. But Lonnie Roberts is a washed-up state
representative who never rose beyond mediocrity. Dianna
Roberts (no relation) is running to get back at the county
for revoking her license to run a Rockwood foster-care facility.
STATE
STATE SUPREME COURT
PAUL DEMUNIZ
When state Supreme Court Justice George Van Hoomissen decided
to serve out his term before retiring, many Oregon lawyers
cringed. It was nothing against Van Hoomissen. But by not
stepping down mid-term, the judge made sure his successor
would be chosen by the voters, not Gov. John Kitzhaber.
Critics of judicial elections, however, needn't have worried.
The two leading candidates in this five-way race--Charley
Merten and Paul DeMuniz--are far better than any others
on the ballot.
Choosing between them was so tough that we spent hours
talking not only to them, but to other lawyers and judges
who know them both. In the end we came down on the side
of DeMuniz.
DeMuniz now sits on the state appeals court. But that lofty
perch wasn't handed to him on a platter. Raised in Northeast
Portland, DeMuniz served in the Air Force during Vietnam.
He came back to Portland afterwards and threw freight on
Swan Island while working his way through PSU.
Then he became a lawyer. He took on the most unpopular
cases, representing low-income defendants and death-row
inmates. Once, while defending Mexican farmworker Santiago
Ventura Morales, who was being prosecuted for a murder he
didn't commit, DeMuniz traveled to Mexico to interview and
videotape previously undiscovered key witnesses, including
a shaman to whom the real killer had confessed.
In 1990, Gov. Neil Goldschmidt appointed DeMuniz to Oregon's
appeals court, one step below the Supreme Court. In the
past 10 years he's emerged as one of the top appellate judges
in Oregon. He's smart, prolific, and a good writer.
His top competitor, Charley Merten, boasts credentials
that are even more impressive--and voluminous. Most candidates
send us a pamphlet listing their qualifications. Merten
has a 2-inch-thick binder filled with endorsements, qualifications,
references and news articles from his storied past. He served
in the Multnomah County District Attorney's Office; during
the civil-rights years, he went to Mississippi to take on
the Ku Klux Klan. He's fought cases that helped secure the
due-process rights of suspects. Intellectually, he stands
above the rest. He vows to push for more mediation, make
justice affordable to all and stand up for the little guy.
If this race were for attorney general, we'd endorse Merten
in a heartbeat. But in this contest, his impressive background
doesn't give him the edge. In fact, some court watchers
worry that Merten's reputation for zealous advocacy and
clear confidence in his own views could create problems
on a court where the ability to get along is crucial.
DeMuniz, by contrast, has a reputation for collegiality,
reason and persuasiveness. We believe he can use those qualities,
along with his own impressive credentials, to lubricate
the Supreme Court's laborious pace of rulings.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Three others are also in the race: Gregory
Byrne, Bill Sizemore's attorney, says he will stand up against
government out of control; Phil Hatfield argues that his
knowledge of the Indiana Constitution will help him in Oregon
(we borrowed heavily from the Hoosiers' document); and Randall
Niven argues, with a straight face, that his lack of legal
experience would be an asset on the high court.
STATE TREASURER
DEMOCRAT
GARY BRUEBAKER
In a race shaping up to be far closer than many expected,
the Democratic primary for state treasurer boils down to
a choice between blind ambition and bland execution.
The state treasurer oversees the Oregon's investments,
sits on the powerful State Land Board and acts as the state's
chief financial officer.
The campaign began with a clear favorite: second-term state
Rep. Randall Edwards, 38, a smart eager-beaver career politico
whose professional experience lies largely within the beltway
and the Portland-Salem rubber sushi circuit. In the statehouse
Edwards has made a name for himself as a tireless supporter
of K-12 education and Oregon's college students. Prior to
serving in the Legislature, the Mount Tabor resident's most
notable work experience came as a congressional aide and
from a four-year stint in the political side of current
State Treasurer Jim Hill's office.
On Capitol Hill, Edwards must have studied Ron Wyden carefully.
He blast-faxes the media his every move and will dive in
front of a microphone without regard to personal safety.
Supporters say he's independent. Less charitable Democrats
say he's a grandstander who puts himself ahead of the party.
In either case, Edwards' professed strength--his political
skills--need some fine-tuning.
In the campaign's biggest gaffe, he blasted opponent Gary
Bruebaker for seeking Wall Street campaign contributions--only
to have his opponent produce begging letters that Edwards
himself sent to money managers.
In a lengthy endorsement interview, Bruebaker, the state
deputy treasurer, came off as the more polished of the two.
While Edwards yapped about Bruebaker's lack of political
experience--even accusing his opponent of breaking the law
when he pledged to rehire existing staff--Bruebaker calmly
described a sensible approach to managing the state's money.
A career bureaucrat, Bruebaker, 43, has been deputy treasurer
for seven years and served in senior finance positions for
more than two decades--experience Edwards can't begin to
match. Whether Bruebaker has the vision to seize the bully
pulpit, as did such predecessors as Bob Straub, or whether
he merely manages the state's nearly $50 billion portfolio
effectively--which will surely be more challenging in the
next four years than the last four--Bruebaker strikes us
as the candidate with more maturity and better judgment.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: On Capitol Hill, Edwards worked for,
among others, former GOP Sen. Bob Packwood. Bruebaker, however,
also fails the Dem litmus test. Until tktktk, he
was a registered Republican.
SECRETARY OF STATE
REPUBLICAN
LYNN LUNDQUIST
We realize that few kids dream about being secretary of
state when they grow up. But still, it would have been nice
if this year's Republican challengers had treated the job
as something more than an afterthought.
House Speaker Lynn Snodgrass considered both Congress and
the Clackamas County Commission before settling on secretary
of state. Former House Speaker Lynn Lundquist mulled over
state treasurer.
It's an awfully important job to be seen as a fall-back
position in a political career. Oregon has no lieutenant
governor, so the SOS is the Mini-Me to the chief, overseeing
the state elections division, running the audits division
and--most important this year--redistricting, if the Legislature
cannot agree on where the political lines should be drawn
based on the 2000 Census numbers.
A dream candidate for secretary of state would have the
analytical skills of Alan Greenspan, the integrity of Jimmy
Carter and the political savvy of Bill Clinton.
Neither of the two Lynns has all that, but Lundquist is
the far better choice.
While we haven't always agreed with the Powell Butte rancher's
positions, we have always admired his integrity and tenacity.
Coming out of the 1997 session, the then-Speaker saw that
lawmakers had failed to get a handle on education funding.
So he led an interim committee of business people, educators
and lawmakers to come up with the Quality Education Model
to find out how much it really costs to educate a child
in Oregon.
When Snodgrass became Speaker in '99, she dismissed the
committee's findings. But Lundquist's work helped Gov. John
Kitzhaber lead the fight for adequate school funding.
Lundquist isn't perfect. He plays the martyr too much,
saying he threw himself on the sword for school funding.
And, while we like that he is a maverick, he unnecessarily
slighted his party--and his cause--by going his own way
on school funding and gun control. Too often, he's chosen
the press conference over face-to-face meetings with his
colleagues.
Still, we get a sense that he's in politics because he
cares about the state.
That's not our view of his rival.
It's no secret that we are not fans of Snodgrass. She is
too conservative, too partisan, too inept and too vague.
While she slams Lundquist for stealing her ideas, she really
hasn't given GOP voters anything solid on which to judge
her candidacy. Her main agenda is a promise to audit the
SOS office first to find out what can be cut. That move
plays big with the anti-government crowd but won't do much
for anyone else. Most of all, we're leery about the prospect
of Snodgrass, who presided over the most partisan legislative
session in recent memory, having any role in re-drawing
political boundaries.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Also in the race is Paul Damian Wells,
an electrical engineer whom we first met in 1994 when he
ran for governor as a Democrat. Wells doesn't seem to take
himself seriously as a contender, so we'll follow suit.
State
Senate
DISTRICT 8
NORTH AND
NORTHEAST PORTLAND
DEMOCRAT
MARGARET CARTER
Margaret Carter is like a good bottle of Bordeaux. The
more she ages, the better we like her.
Carter spent 13 years representing half this senate district
as a state representative before term limits booted her
out. During that time she went from being one of Salem's
least effective lawmakers to one of its most respected.
With the flaky Democratic incumbent, Thomas Wilde, stepping
down, Carter is ready to step in.
Carter, who's getting good marks as interim president of
the Urban League of Portland, is a strong advocate for education
who led the fight to develop the Portland Community College
Skills Center. She's independent, well-versed in the state
budget and, after a break from the Salem sausage grind,
is rarin' to go.
Carter's challenger, Evie Crowell, is no slouch either.
A former member of the Portland School Board and past president
of the YWCA board, Crowell has a good grasp of the issues.
She can't, however, match Carter's experience.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: During her House career Carter proved
to have one of the best sets of pipes in Salem and was often
summoned to treat colleagues--even Republicans--to rousing
renditions of "Happy Birthday."
State
Rep
DISTRICT 6
BEAVERTON
REPUBLICAN
JOHN SCRUGGS
This open seat, vacated by term-limited moderate Republican
Ken Strobeck, will be hotly contested in November. With
about 11,000 registered Democrats and 10,500 Republicans,
it's up for grabs for either party.
We're going with John Scruggs in the GOP primary. He's
a 34-year-old Portland police officer who is considered
on the right side of conservative, but he's the best of
this lot. Though he has some good volunteer experience,
his only government background is as an intern to Sen. Tom
Hartung. Getting elected would be a big jump. Still, he
impressed us in the interview with his directness, grasp
of the issues and genuine desire to serve.
Jacqueline Stovall, by contrast, wasn't quite there. While
her resume is in many ways more impressive than Scruggs'--she
was involved in GOP politics for years in California and
on the Beaverton Seniors Advisory Council--she didn't have
much to offer other than standard anti-government rhetoric.
Ray Tuleya, a substitute teacher, is knowledgeable about
the issues but doesn't seem to be running a serious campaign,
instead counting on getting his message out by word of mouth.
(He was, however, the only candidate who brought a camera
to the interview so we could take a snapshot of him and
his rivals.)
Brian Iverson, the fourth candidate for this seat, was
a no-show at our endorsement interview.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: This isn't Scruggs' first run for office.
Under a different name, John Thomas, he ran for the U.S.
Senate in 1995 and the 1st Congressional District in 1996.
He changed his name back to Scruggs, his birth name, in
honor of his paternal grandfather.
DISTRICT 6
BEAVERTON
DEMOCRAT
CHARLIE RINGO
After listening to countless candidates puff up their credentials,
it was refreshing to find a guy who is a lot more
impressive than he lets on. Charlie Ringo comes off like
your average suburban dad, but make no mistake: He's as
sharp as they come. He's got a bachelor's degree from the
Air Force Academy, an MBA from Boston University and a JD
from Northwestern School of Law. He's served as chairman
of the Oregon Sierra Club, volunteered for Meals on Wheels
and Oregon Literacy, and has run his own law practice. Get
the picture?
Ringo is opposed by Dave Gil, who's been active in party
politics and the West Beaverton Neighborhood Association.
Gil, who manages a tire shop in Salem, is a plain-speaking
(and speaking, and speaking...), no-nonsense fellow whose
populist leanings are bit to the right of Ringo's but still
solidly Democratic. We appreciate his enthusiasm and candor,
but our vote goes to his rival, whose broader experience
would be a huge asset in the statehouse.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: We asked four WW staffers to look
at Ringo's photo and guess which Beatle he was related to.
All four picked the drummer.
DISTRICT 8
BEAVERTON
REPUBLICAN
PAVEL GOBERMAN
It's not every day voters have to choose between a Beaverton
soccer mom and a Russian fitness freak obsessed with self-massage.
But that's what's before the GOP faithful in District 8:
Lisa Michaels and Pavel Goberman.
Going from their Voters' Pamphlet statements (neither agreed
to be interviewed), we salute Pavel The Incorruptible.
Yes, the former Red Army soldier, who now sells exercise
videos, has some wacky ideas. He wants to privatize Tri-Met,
ban lobbyists and enact tougher sentencing laws than
are on the books now.
But we can't bring ourselves to endorse his opponent, whose
qualifications include singing in the church choir and playing
tennis. The last thing Oregon's GOP needs is another cutesy
political neophyte who proudly prances around as a target
demographic.
The party of Lincoln needs a principled ass-kicker, someone
who can eat Randy Miller for lunch and still have room for
Eileen Qutub. Pavel claims he was booted from the USSR for
speaking against bad old Brezhnev; we think he could hold
his own in any party caucus meeting.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: The incumbent, Democrat Ryan Deckert,
is challenging Qutub for a state Senate seat. Democrats
hope newsman Mark Haas will keep the seat in their column
this fall.
DISTRICT 10
CLACKAMAS COUNTY
DEMOCRAT
MIKE SMITH
We liked Mike Smith a lot two years ago when he was running
a political kamikaze mission against Rep. Lynn Snodgrass,
the GOP incumbent. We like him even more this year, when
he's got a shot at what will be an open seat.
Smith is a structural engineer and has the personality
to go with the job. He's not flashy, but he's sound as a
steel girder. There are a lot of things a political climber
can do that pad a résumé without breaking
a sweat. Sitting on the North Clackamas School District
Budget Committee isn't one of them. It's a job that offers
a lot of headaches and few pats on the back. It does, however,
give Smith valuable insights into the biggest issue facing
the state: school funding.
Smith is being challenged by Mick Wagner, a Happy Valley
paralegal, who jumped into the race after seeing a photo
of Republican leaders emerging from a closed-door meeting.
We share his disdain of back-room deals but worry that his
political inexperience, and annoyingly droll demeanor, would
render him ineffective in Salem.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Wagner is running on a pro-Scouts platform.
He claims that in 1973, at the age of 20, he became the
youngest scoutmaster in the history of the Boy Scouts.
DISTRICT 11
SOUTHWEST PORTLAND
DEMOCRAT
MARY NOLAN
What are they smokin' over there at The Oregonian?
After getting the four contestants in this race together
in the same room, it took us about 10 minutes to figure
out that there are two very impressive candidates, a close
third, and one guy, John Calhoun, clearly in over his head.
The folks at the Big O not only threw Calhoun a life preserver,
they endorsed him. We're baffled.
For us, the eeny-meeny was between Mary Nolan and Martin
Taylor. We settled on Nolan after talking to a lot of people
who've worked with both of these impressive candidates.
Nolan has both public- and private-sector experience. She
spent 12 years working for the City of Portland, her last
three years as director of the Bureau of Environmental Services.
She left City Hall in 1993 to start up Avrotec, a company
that designs cockpit-safety systems. Nolan, however, may
be best known for co-founding the Oregon chapter of the
National Abortion Rights Action League and leading the uphill,
but successful, battle against two anti-abortion ballot
measures in 1990.
Our only concern with Nolan is her tenure at BES. It was
a rough time for the agency, thanks to the state-mandated
eastside sewage-hookup project and the environmental lawsuit
against sewage overflows. Nolan had her share of critics
(including, at times, this newspaper). But by most accounts,
she negotiated those murky waters well.
In an era of term limits, rookie lawmakers need smarts,
ambition and real-world experience. Nolan has all three
in spades. We're also not afraid to use the "f-word"--sending
such a savvy feminist to Salem would drive some of the good-old-boys
nuts.
Taylor was a close second in this race. A lobbyist for
the Oregon Nurses Association and former legislative aide,
he knows state government. But we get the feeling he'll
grab onto any issue that district voters feel strongly about,
be it gun control or porn shops. Still, he's smart and articulate
and has a future in Oregon politics.
Jim Davis, a lobbyist for health-care, senior-citizen and
disability issues, would have been a leading candidate in
almost any other district. Unfortunately, the competition
here is as steep as the West Hills.
Which brings us back to The Oregonian's chosen candidate.
Calhoun was the controller at Intel from 1972 to 1991,
then became CEO of Creative Multimedia and, later, CMC ReSearch.
With a résumé glaringly weak on public service,
the 55-year-old cites his high-tech background as his main
qualification for the job.
Calhoun showed the least understanding of state government
and came off as another ex-executive who likes playing the
role of candidate. If he really wants to increase education
funding, he should rally the other high-tech millionaires
to fight Bill Sizemore's budget-busting measures.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: John Calhoun's biggest campaign contributor
is his mother, Jean Mary Calhoun, who gave him $7,000.
DISTRICT 11
NORTHWEST PORTLAND
REPUBLICAN
WARD BARBEE
These days, moderate Republicans are an endangered species
in Salem. That political climate change doesn't sit well
with Ward Barbee, a Republican who remembers the era when
his party affiliation was a source of pride, not prejudice.
The publisher of Fresh Cup magazine, Barbee is sick
of all the carping in Salem. He's sick of the kicker and
says the state should do a better job at economic forecasting.
He's against Measure 11 and thinks locking people up for
smoking pot is "dumb." Barbee even supports gay marriage.
But he's not a stealth Democrat. Barbee is tight with a
buck. He'd privatize highway construction and maintenance.
Barbee could use a crash course in state government, but
we're endorsing him anyway.
Joan Gardner, his opponent, isn't waging a serious campaign.
She's running a pledge to trim government regulation, because
it's bumping against individual rights.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Barbee once served as an assistant to
chain-smoking fiscal conservative and former Portland City
Commissioner Mildred Schwab.
DISTRICT 12
SOUTHWEST PORTLAND
REPUBLICAN
JEANNE SCHOEL
This urban district, represented by Chris Beck, is Dem
Country, but GOP voters have a clear choice for who should
be their lamb led to the ballot-box slaughter this November:
Jeanne Schoel, a self-described political amateur.
Like several other Portland-area GOP candidates, she's
frustrated by the intense right-wing conservatism of her
party. She's against Bill Sizemore's Pyrrhic plan to meddle
with the state deductibility of federal income taxes, and
she calls GOP political climber Lynn Snodgrass "too strident."
She's pro-choice, and she backs assisted suicide and mandatory
background checks at gun shows. Her Republican stripes show
most clearly when she complains about state meddling in
the business world.
Steve Terreault is one mystery we don't want to solve.
The self-described "MBA candidate" does not return phone
calls, leaving us to ponder his two sentence-fragment Voters'
Pamphlet statement: Wow, he's "fiscal conservative."
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Schoel is thrifty. To date, she's spent
about $400 on her campaign.
DISTRICT 17
NORTHEAST PORTLAND/
ST. JOHNS
DEMOCRAT
GARY HANSEN
While admittedly not the most electrifying politician in
town, Gary Hansen has been a solid representative of the
voters of this eclectic neighborhood. We see no reason to
unseat him for the likes of Lewis Marcus.
Don't get us started about Marcus. In the past we've admired
his neighborhood activism. He's raised legitimate concerns
about the northside light-rail project and public support
of the Convention Center. But we're kind of irritated with
him right now. The 37-year-old's desire to make the switch
from outsider to insider seems to have got the best of him.
What he describes as selective use of facts, others describe
as dishonesty.
Just look at his information in the Voters' Pamphlet.
Under occupational background, Marcus says he worked on
television post-production for Mike Burton's Metro-executive
campaign. In our interview, he explained that what he really
did was tweak Burton's campaign ads to run on cable-access.
More troublesome is Marcus' characterization of Hansen's
campaign contributions. In the Voters' Pamphlet, he writes
that 100 percent of Hansen's contributions come "from corporations
and PACs" and that most of Hansen's money "comes from out
of state."
The fine print underneath the statements, however, hints
at the real story. The PAC-money statement refers only to
the contributions Hansen received during the final week
of the 1998 campaign. The other "out-of-state" charge covers
the first part of 1999--a non-election year.
It would be one thing if Marcus defended the statements
as a necessary tactic to overcome Hansen's advantages of
incumbency. Instead, however, he told us he didn't think
the statements were misleading, because of the fine-print
disclaimer.
This kind of semantic disingenuousness would get a legislator
ripped apart in Salem, where effectiveness is directly linked
with integrity.
As for Hansen, we wish he were bolder and more innovative
and had more accomplishments, beyond just some bills to
help the building trades. But he's a hard-working politician
who has done the job he was sent to do in Salem--honestly.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Hansen is sometimes criticized as being
unthinkingly pro-labor. But Marcus, too, is a union man.
In fact, as a member of Jobs With Justice, he took part
in a Valentine's Day pro-union rally at Powell's and wound
up on the cover of WW [Feb. 15, 2000].
DISTRICT 22
GRESHAM
REPUBLICAN
RICH SCARIANO
Neither Edwin Golobay nor Rich Scariano made it to our
office for an endorsement interview, but only one of them
had a good reason.
Golobay, owner of Sun Glow Inc. Heating and Air Conditioning,
remains a mystery. He didn't return our calls, and his Voters'
Pamphlet statement isn't exactly reassuring (as a rule,
we're wary of candidates who quote themselves in print).
His main interest seems to be getting tough on inmates:
"Our justice system should not be a health club," quoth
Golobay.
Scariano seems a much safer bet. He had to beg off at the
last moment due to a conflict with his teaching post at
Centennial High School. If nothing else, it shows that he
puts his job ahead of politics and, given the scant information
we have about his opponent, it gets him our backing.
Sloganeering aside ("Our children should be the only special
interest"), it's obvious Scariano's heart is in education.
He says money isn't the answer--better planning is. He's
all for having potholes filled but also advocates for "adequate
and affordable" housing.
If we interpret his Voters' Pamphlet haiku correctly, he
wants to pay nonprofit organizations to help criminals break
the cycle of drugs-crime-prison.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: This district is almost evenly split
between Republicans and Democrats. Translation: The GOP
needs to keep this seat, now held by Republican Ron Sunseri.
Democrats are fielding Laurie Monnes Anderson, a public-health
nurse who serves on the Gresham/Barlow School Board.
DISTRICT 24
LAKE OSWEGO,
TUALATIN
REPUBLICAN
MARILYN SCHULTZ
There are three GOP candidates running to oust Richard
Devlin, the Democrat who has held this seat for two sessions.
Makes sense--voter registration in the district is 45 percent
Republican, 35 percent Democrat.
We are giving our strong endorsement to Marilyn Schultz
over Larry Barrett and Jim Hansen.
Don't be deceived by the package in this three-way GOP
primary. Schultz may look like a mousy grandmother, but
she's got a streak of Ma Boyle. During our joint endorsement
interview she forcefully challenged the two fellas on their
positions. Not only that, but while many moderate Republicans
have bailed out of party politics as the GOP lurches rightward,
Schultz remained in the trenches, fighting against the attacks
on gays and abortion rights.
Her list of civic involvement puts the other two candidates
to shame. She has served on everything from the Oregon Education
Association to the the Oregon Women's Political Caucus.
Barrett, mayor of the tiny burg of Rivergrove, claims to
have been recruited for this position by Republican leadership,
but wouldn't say who the recruiter was. We were impressed
with his eerily calming presence. A former prison guard
who supervised Gary Gilmore and Ted Bundy, he would be handy
in case of statehouse riots. His political experience, however,
is just too skimpy.
As for Hansen, a retired investment banker who can't help
exuding yuppie wealth, we just want him to go away. In 1998
we quickly tired of his whimsical free-market campaign banter.
This year, he's put on another face: the angry-yet-visionary
suburbanite father who won't accept "can't do it" for an
answer. Unfortunately it's more ego than substance.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: This is Schultz's second bid for the
statehouse. In 1992, when living in Northeast Portland,
she lost to Democrat Avel Gordly.
DISTRICT 25
MILWAUKIE
DEMOCRAT
CAROLYN TOMEI
Residents of this district should be singing the praises
of term limits. For six years they've been woefully misrepresented
by the bleating GOP sheep Jane Lokan, who barely won in
the last election. On the Democratic side, they've got two
candidates who'd be a vast improvement.
As the staff representative for AFSCME, Sam Gillespie is
a solid labor Democrat. As chairman of the North Clackamas
School Board, he understands that old devil, education funding.
As a candidate, he's as nice a guy as you'll find.
In this race, however, Carolyn Tomei clearly outshines
him, bringing a strong background in local government, planning
and education that would be a huge asset in Salem.
Current mayor of Milwaukie, she's a former member of the
city's planning commission and has served as a child-development
specialist for Portland Public Schools. She's earned an
enthusiastic endorsement from the Oregon League of Conservation
Voters, which calls her the real thing when it comes to
all things green.
Finally, Tomei has an undergraduate degree in psychology
and a master's in social work. We don't have to point out
how handy that kind of professional training will be in
Salem.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Tomei has 15 (no, that's not a typo)
children, step-children and foster children. Even more impressive,
she's the former "Go-cart Champion of Yreka, Calif."
MEASURES
MEASURE 77
PROPERTY TAX FIX
YES
File this in the "whoops" category. When lawmakers redrafted
Measure 47 in 1997, the new law had the unintended effect
of raising property taxes for the city of Sweet Home and
Deschutes and Linn counties while dropping taxes everywhere
else. This measure would fix that error. The only opposition
comes from Deschutes County, which dedicated a chunk of
its inflated property taxes to the sheriff's department
and doesn't want to lose that cash.
MEASURE 78
SIGNATURE VERIFICATION
YES
This measure extends the state's deadline for verifying
signatures on initiative and referendum petitions from 15
days to 30 days after signatures are turned in. There is
no reason not to do so, particularly given that as many
as two dozen initiatives are expected to qualify for the
fall ballot.
MEASURE 79
REQUIRES MORE SIGNATURES TO PUT A CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT
ON THE BALLOT
NO
We agree that (a) it's too easy to change the state constitution
and (b) the initiative system has become a pawn of moneyed
special interests.
There. We've proven that we're not out to get the OPB crowd.
But now we're going to piss them off and recommend a No
vote on Measure 79.
This measure would increase the number of signatures required
to put a constitutional amendment on the ballot. (The requirement
for a statutory measure would not change.)
Right now, if you want to change the Oregon Constitution,
you must collect signatures equal to 8 percent of the total
number of votes cast in the last gubernatorial election.
Measure 79 would bump it up to 12 percent.
Since nearly all initiative activists used paid signature
gatherers, Measure 79 would up their costs a hefty 50 percent,
in theory making it hard to muck with the constitution.
At first blush, that seems like a damn good idea.
In the past 10 years, 31 constitutional amendments have
been placed on the ballot through the initiative system.
The 11 that passed include some political disasters: Measure
3, which instituted term limits; Measure 40, the victims'
rights bill that was later overturned; and Measure 47, Bill
Sizemore's boondoggle of a tax law that the Legislature
had to dress up and send back out to voters.
The problem is, such initiatives actually make the case
against Measure 79. In all three cases, those measures
would have been on the ballot no matter what the cost of
getting them there. The moneyed interests who paid for them
can easily write a bigger check, while grassroots organizations
could be left out of the game if this measure passes.
Some very smart people support this measure as a way to
rein in a system they see as out of control.
But Measure 79 is a misplaced Band-Aid for a bigger problem.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Measure 79 was referred to voters by
the Legislature, thanks to a push by the timber industry.
Freaked out by a failed 1998 measure to ban clearcuts, timber
barons wanted to make sure environmentalists couldn't ever
get their ideas enshrined in the constitution.
MEASURE 80
GAS TAX FOR COPS
YES
For years the state police have been trying to get funding
to increase their ranks. In spite of our population boom,
there were actually 300 fewer troopers on patrol last year
than in 1980. This will allow state and local governments
to skim some of the current gas tax to pay for cops. We
couldn't find anyone who thought it was a bad idea.
BALLOT MEASURE 81 ALLOWS CAPS ON CIVIL JUDGMENTS
NO
In a lot of ways, Ballot Measure 81, which would allow
the Legislature to put caps on jury awards, is much doo-doo
about nothing. The 'Yes on 81' side says that without the
measure, lifeguards will be hauled into court, doctors will
be put out of business and the state economy will go into
the tank.
The no-sayers predict almost equally disastrous results
should the measure pass.
Of the two, the 'Yes' side's argument is the weaker.
Ask the supporters of Ballot Measure 81 to name a single
Oregon case in which a jury was overly generous in awarding
damages. They can't.
Ask them whether judges have the power and duty to overrule
an overly generous jury. They grudgingly concede that the
answer is yes.
This group, bankrolled by the insurance industry, pharmaceutical
companies, doctors and HMOs, has been employing a campaign
centered around misleading scare tactics. The group argues
that this broad-ranging constitutional amendment is absolutely
necessary to plug "the lawyer's loophole" and thwart runaway
juries.
In truth, there is no "loophole." There is, however, an
Oregon Supreme Court ruling from last July that said a state
law capping jury awards was unconstitutional.
There is nothing alarming in the ruling. Other state supreme
courts have struck down similar laws, arguing that the right
to a trial by jury is a fundamental right of all Americans
and shouldn't be tinkered with.
The insurance industry's most potent claim, however, is
that the Supreme Court's ruling was broad enough to threaten
80 laws capping or barring lawsuits against health-care
workers, workers' comp and volunteers. The legislative counsel's
office--hardly a bastion of wild liberalism--concluded that
only seven laws realistically appear threatened, most notably
the immunity enjoyed by public employees and the bans on
punitive damages against pharmaceutical companies and HMOs.
Similarly, the claim that medical care will become hard
to find if Measure 81 fails is wildly exaggerated. The caps
passed by the Legislature in 1987 may partly explain the
drop in doctors' insurance rates since then, but only a
small part (see "Tortured Arguments," WW, April 19,
2000).
The 'No on 81' side, bankrolled by trial lawyers, has also
relied on emotional appeals, using burn victims and quadriplegics
to make its case. The debate, to the extent there's been
one, has obscured the true question: In our constitutional
government, should the Legislature be given the upper hand
over judges and juries in determining civil penalties?
The answer is No.
MEASURE 26-2
PORTLAND PUBLIC SCHOOL LEVY
YES
The 1999 Legislature, instead of adequately funding schools,
voted to allow local districts to do something they hadn't
been able to do for a decade--pony up their own money. It's
not the best solution to the school-funding problem, but
it's the best we've got.
Prior to the passage of Measure 5 in 1990, local property
taxes accounted for more than 70 percent of Portland Public
Schools' budget; today more than 70 percent comes from the
state. In the current setup--where Portland-phobic legislators
control the statehouse--we have limited control over our
own schools.
The shift in funding toward Salem wasn't all bad. Previous
inequities between rich and poor districts evaporated. But
Portland, where costs are disproportionately higher, suffered
in the process. According to a recent analysis by the League
of Women Voters, during the '90s, inflation-adjusted funding
for Portland schools fell 17 percent, compared with 3 percent
in the rest of the state.
Local officials now believe relative parity exists among
districts and that the worst is over. "We've bottomed out,"
says school board member Ron Saxton. "This ballot measure
[26-2] is about restoring programs that have been cut."
The local option, which faces no organized opposition,
would allow Portland Public Schools to raise $78 million
in the next five years. Officials say they'll use next year's
take--about $14 million--to hire 170 new teachers, buy new
science textbooks and restore arts programs.
These are worthwhile expenditures. If you don't agree,
try getting a teacher's attention at Grant High, where 70
percent of classes contain at least 30 students. Or, in
a district that hasn't bought new science books since 1987,
try finding a text that mentions the Internet, genetic engineering
or even HIV.
Part of the attraction of the local option is that the
proceeds can easily be tracked. Although we support more
teachers and newer books, we are also troubled by the district's
inability to unload some unneeded facilities. A 1998 audit
and subsequent studies have found that in a district with
dropping enrollment, too much of the budget goes to maintain
underused real estate. School officials say a report due
later this year will solve the problem. We'll take them
at their word--but remind them that the only classroom worse
than an overcrowded one is an empty one.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: So far four school districts around the
state--Corvallis, Helix, Pendleton and Seaside--have asked
local voters for money. All got thumbs up.
BALLOT MEASURE 26-1
PORTLAND COMMUNITY COLLEGE BOND
YES
Without Portland Community College, the metro area would
be in sad shape. From the technicians who toil in Washington
County's Silicon Forest to the welders erecting Fox Tower
to the dental hygienists in East County, thousands of essential
workers get their training at PCC.
But after 12 consecutive terms of higher enrollment and
years of underfunding, the college (which will enroll more
than 90,000 students this year) looks like a Yugo competing
in the Indy 500. Roofs leak, engineering students tinker
in 25-year-old labs and waiting lists for computer and lab
science courses grow.
Much of the $144 million PCC wants would upgrade and expand
buildings at three PCC campuses. Currently, there are no
science labs at Cascade, no library building at Rock Creek,
and not enough of anything at Sylvania, where the computer
courses have grown 70 percent in the past five years.
We endorsed PCC's ballot measure enthusiastically in 1998,
when it narrowly failed; we're even more positive that the
school deserves the money today.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: Unlike most services, PCC has gotten
cheaper; in the mid-'80s, taxpayers forked over nearly a
buck per $1,000 of valuation; now they pay only about 35
cents. If 26-1 passes, it will add an additional 13.5 cents,
costing the owner of a $150,000 home $20.25 per year.
Congress
1ST CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT
REPUBLICAN
ALICE SCHLENKER
From the grimy wharves of Astoria to the manicured lawns
of the West Hills, Oregon's 1st Congressional District has
long struggled with a split personality. Just look at the
two candidates vying in the Republican primary for the chance
to challenge Democrat David Wu in November.
To our right sits the former mayor of Lake Oswego, 58-year-old
Alice Schlenker--in many ways a classic country-club Republican.
A small-business owner (she runs a marketing firm called
Alice Communications) with a cheery smile permanently clamped
to her face and a habit of spouting forth from an apparently
bottomless reservoir of prattle, she has mastered the politician's
art of exuding empathy without taking positions.
To our far right sits state Sen. Charles Starr (R-Hillsboro),
a folksy, plain-spoken farmer who came to our endorsement
interview sporting a blue suit, a blue shirt and a blue
tie.
At 67, Starr belongs to the same generation as Schlenker,
but politically, he may as well have been born on a different
planet. He is a diehard Reaganaut who believes the welfare
system is infested with illegal immigrants, that people
go hungry because we send too much money to Washington,
D.C., and that the biggest problem facing salmon is not
dams, but seals.
Despite Starr's ultra-conservative views, we admire his
refreshing brass-tacks style and his willingness to stand
up for his principles, no matter how unpopular and unsound
they may be.
Ultimately, however, the ideological divide is too great:
We simply disagree on too many fundamental issues to endorse
a man Salem-watchers regularly rated as one of the least
effective lawmakers in the statehouse.
Which leaves us with Schlenker. She has a solid if uninspiring
record as mayor of Lake Oswego and has put forward a platform
that, while frustratingly vague, seems to lean toward moderation.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: This endorsement is probably the political
kiss of death for Schlenker. WW twice backed her
bids for the state Legislature (in 1982 against Randy Miller
and in 1996 against Bob Tiernan). She lost both primaries.
3RD CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT
DEMOCRAT
EARL BLUMENAUER
If the editors of The Almanac of American Politics
included a glossary, under the heading "Safe Seat" they
could run a picture of Earl Blumenauer. Oregon's 3rd Congressional
District, which includes most of Multnomah County and the
northern part of Clackamas County, is heavily Democratic,
and Blumenauer, who's appeared on the ballot 26 times during
his political career, has name familiarity up the wazoo.
If it seems that Blumenauer has served in every political
position, it's because he has. State legislator, county
commissioner, city commissioner--this bow-tied bike enthusiast
has earned his chops.
Despite suffering from a chronic case of personality-deficit
disorder, Blumenauer has earned a reputation as one of the
brightest new faces on Capitol Hill since coming to Congress
in '96, and he deserves re-election.
He's brought his urban-livability agenda to Washington
and taken up the cause of gun control, while displaying
a sense of fiscal prudence not shared by many of his ideological
soulmates.
Blumenauer should have no difficulty trouncing his opponent.
John Sweeney, a former parks supervisor and perennial candidate,
is about as qualified to run for Congress as that beer you
wish you were holding in your hand--and a whole lot flatter.
TRIVIAL PURSUITS: In the past 25 years, Sweeney has run
for the Portland School Board, city auditor, County Commission,
state Senate and U.S. Senate. In all this time, WW
has somehow managed to avoid endorsing him.
IT'S
A BIRD.
IT'S A PLANE.
IT'S...NELSON MANDELA?
Better than most candidates, high-powered lawyer and would-be
Supreme Court justice Charley Merten cruised through our
endorsement interview--until stumbling over our final question.
We asked, "Who's your favorite superhero?"
His answer? "Martin Luther King."
Sorry Charley, wrong question. We were looking for the
guys and gals who fly (and crawl and zoom) around saving
little old ladies, hapless dogs, even the whole world. Different
superheroes have different M.O.s, and maybe, we thought,
a candidate's choice would provide insights to the style
he or she would bring to the job.
Merten wasn't the only one to confuse fact and fiction.
State Senate hopeful Evie Crowell named Nelson Mandela.
Someone else (we forget who) chose Rosa Parks. Others couldn't
tell a superhero from a comic strip or a cartoon character.
Democratic statehouse candidate Mary Nolan offered a feeble
"Barney" (who is arguably a supervillan, but certainly not
a hero). Fellow Democrat Carolyn Tomei was also stumped,
naming Sylvia, the sarcastic, chain-smoking, liberal social
critic who lives on the comics page, not in comic books.
Nevertheless, the superhero question was often
illuminating.
In our interview with the 1st Congressional GOP candidates,
Alice Schlenker initially selected "Peanuts" (which, as
everyone knows, is an entire comic strip, not even a comic-strip
character) but, after some prompting, settled on Snoopy,
"because he's sort of a free spirit, and that's what I try
to be." Her opponent, Charles Starr, appreciating the gravity
of the question, chose Superman, "because he struggles against
evil, and he always appears at the last moment."
Here are some of our favorite answers:
Mike Smith, a Democratic state representative hopeful,
chose The Green Lantern (a superhero powered by a
magic ring) "because he shows no fear."
Jim Francesconi, City Council incumbent, came up
with Daredevil, a superhero who compensates for being
blind by honing his other senses to extraordinary levels.
Asked whether he himself had to overcome any childhood
disability, Francesconi confessed that he "was a fat little
kid."
Randall Niven, a long-shot for the Supreme Court,
picked Nightcrawler because "I always thought that
teleporting was so cool."
Gary Hansen, an incumbent Democratic state rep,
chose Spiderman for his sense of humor. His challenger,
Lewis Marcus, settled on Robin, "because I
like the way he dressed."
Margaret Carter, a Democratic state Senate hopeful,
didn't win any points for originality when she picked Superman,
but she enthusiastically declared that not only did she
read comic books as a kid, she still does today!
Lynn Lundquist, GOP candidate for secretary of state,
also played it safe with Superman, while rival
Lynn Snodgrass probably revealed more than she intended
when she picked Kevin Costner. "Oh," she said, "I could
go on and on about him."
IT'S A BIRD. IT'S A PLANE.
IT'S...NELSON MANDELA?
Better than most candidates, high-powered lawyer and would-be
Supreme Court justice Charley Merten cruised through our
endorsement interview--until stumbling over our final question.
We asked, "Who's your favorite superhero?"
His answer? "Martin Luther King."
Sorry Charley, wrong question. We were looking for the
guys and gals who fly (and crawl and zoom) around saving
little old ladies, hapless dogs, even the whole world. Different
superheroes have different M.O.s, and maybe, we thought,
a candidate's choice would provide insights to the style
he or she would bring to the job.
Merten wasn't the only one to confuse fact and fiction.
State Senate hopeful Evie Crowell named Nelson Mandela.
Someone else (we forget who) chose Rosa Parks. Others couldn't
tell a superhero from a comic strip or a cartoon character.
Democratic statehouse candidate Mary Nolan offered a feeble
"Barney" (who is arguably a supervillan, but certainly not
a hero). Fellow Democrat Carolyn Tomei was also stumped,
naming Sylvia, the sarcastic, chain-smoking, liberal social
critic who lives on the comics page, not in comic books.
Nevertheless, the superhero question was often
illuminating.
In our interview with the 1st Congressional GOP candidates,
Alice Schlenker initially selected "Peanuts" (which, as
everyone knows, is an entire comic strip, not even a comic-strip
character) but, after some prompting, settled on Snoopy,
"because he's sort of a free spirit, and that's what I try
to be." Her opponent, Charles Starr, appreciating the gravity
of the question, chose Superman, "because he struggles against
evil, and he always appears at the last moment."
Here are some of our favorite answers:
Mike Smith, a Democratic state representative hopeful,
chose The Green Lantern (a superhero powered by a
magic ring) "because he shows no fear."
Jim Francesconi, City Council incumbent, came up
with Daredevil, a superhero who compensates for being
blind by honing his other senses to extraordinary levels.
Asked whether he himself had to overcome any childhood
disability, Francesconi confessed that he "was a fat little
kid."
Randall Niven, a long-shot for the Supreme Court,
picked Nightcrawler because "I always thought that
teleporting was so cool."
Gary Hansen, an incumbent Democratic state rep,
chose Spiderman for his sense of humor. His challenger,
Lewis Marcus, settled on Robin, "because I
like the way he dressed."
Margaret Carter, a Democratic state Senate hopeful,
didn't win any points for originality when she picked Superman,
but she enthusiastically declared that not only did she
read comic books as a kid, she still does today!
Lynn Lundquist, GOP candidate for secretary of state,
also played it safe with Superman, while rival
Lynn Snodgrass probably revealed more than she intended
when she picked Kevin Costner. "Oh," she said, "I could
go on and on about him."
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Willamette Week | originally
published April 26,
2000
|
