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NEWS STORY

Fire in the Belly
In the midst of an economic boom, Oregon's the hungriest state in the nation. Cassandra Garrison is fed up with the folks who are supposed to be helping the poor.

BY PATTY WENTZ
pwentz@wweek.com


Photos by Basil Childers

 

Next week Garrison will be speaking at the conference on Work, Welfare and Politics at the University of Oregon.

 

 

Last July, President Clinton kicked off a national food-stamp outreach program aimed at increasing the rolls. So far, Oregon has not participated in the program other than a pilot project in Southeast Portland.

 

 

 

Pending before Congress is legislation that would increase the income cut offs for food stamps and allow for higher values of personal property. On Feb. 29th, poverty activists around the country will be holding rallies in support of the bill.

 

 

 

Last week the federal government issued new poverty guidelines to define who is officially considered poor. For a family of three, for example, the monthly salary has been bumped up to $1,179 from $1,157 last year.Volunteers at the Oregon Food Bank help move $22 million of food donated by the food industry, the USDA and individuals.

 

 

 

 

 

 

On Feb. 29, poverty activists around the country will be holding rallies in support of a bill pending in Congress that would increase the income cutoffs for food stamps and allow for higher values of personal property.Kim Thomas, policy advocate for the Oregon Food Bank, says her agency is one of many that have been forced to pick up the slack since 1996's welfare-reform act.

 

 

It is a Wednesday morning in February, and Cassandra Garrison is at the Adult and Family Services office on Southeast 39th Avenue and Powell Boulevard. She is determined to save the world.

She starts at a table of women and young children, dealing out her business cards as if it were a Vegas blackjack table. "My name is Cassandra Garrison," she says. "If you don't get what you want out of your appointments today, what you want, you call me. I can help you."

Nearby is a man in his early 30s, battered hiking boots on his feet, backpack by his side. He is recently homeless, he says, and hasn't been eating. Garrison leans in close to him. Her demeanor softens to give her the air of a kindergarten teacher. She hands him a copy of Street Roots, the newspaper sold on street corners by homeless vendors, and opens it to a list of places he can get help. "Here," she says, pointing to Sisters of the Road Cafe. "You can get a hot meal here every day. And here," pointing to another agency, "you can take a shower." She looks carefully into his eyes to make sure he understands. "These people can help you," she says.

As he mulls over the paper, Garrison approaches an emaciated elderly man who is bent over by himself in a corner. "Why are you here?" she asks gently, sitting next to him for a moment. "To apply for food stamps?"

Meanwhile, the receptionist calls out the name of the homeless man, who walks up to the desk, then turns away baffled, his eyes searching the room for Garrison. "They need an address," he says helplessly. "I don't have an address."

Garrison marches to the front desk and demands to use the phone at the desk to call JOIN, an agency for the homeless that will collect mail for them.

"Here," she says to the counter worker, handing over the phone. "You talk to them."

Her red Geo is waiting in the parking lot, packed full of pamphlets, binders and file folders. She slides in and begins punching numbers on her cell phone, returning some of the 30 or so calls she receives every day. She dials and talks, dials and talks--advising, cajoling and screeching as she listens to people's battles with AFS. "You call them back right now," she demands of one client. "You tell them you talked to me."

Garrison pulls out of the AFS parking lot and drives to Teresa McReynolds' house in Clackamas. Earlier, Garrison helped McReynolds get emergency rent and auto insurance money from AFS. Today, she will help the mother of two fill out a grievance form against AFS.

"I wouldn't have anything if it wasn't for Cassandra," says McReynolds. "She has been an angel."

Sitting in McReynolds' sparse kitchen, Garrison dictates the details of the complaint to the woman while answering two more pages and again checking messages. One of the messages is from a woman Garrison had met that morning. The woman is crying--she says AFS refused to help her.

"Every day," Garrison mutters. "This happens every single day."

This is the world of Cassandra Garrison, officially a policy advocate for the Oregon Food Bank, unofficially the most outrageous poverty warrior Portland has ever seen. But you won't find her at the corner church benevolently passing out food boxes. You'll find her shrieking at the AFS counters, demanding justice. She is a shrill, self-righteous finger-pointer, and anyone who has faced her righteous rage will tell you, with an eye roll that belies the understatement, that she is "difficult." If you don't know where your next meal is coming from, however, she may indeed seem like an angel.

Like all radicals, Garrison is a reflection of the time in which she lives. Most of Oregon is enjoying unprecedented abundance. Yet, in a shameful paradox, a growing number of Oregonians cannot meet their most basic needs. According to a U.S. Department of Agriculture report issued last fall, nearly 6 percent of Oregon households suffer from hunger, giving this state the dubious distinction of having the highest rate in the country.

In Oregon, the agency responsible for stopping poverty is Adult and Family Services, a $1.3 billion agency that administers the state's cash-assistance program and the Oregon Health Plan. It provides job-training services and child-care money. It is also where people go to apply for the federal food-stamp program.

In 1996 the role of AFS was turned upside down with the passage of the federal welfare-reform act. Almost overnight, AFS became as much an employment agency as a welfare center. By many standards, the change has been positive. Welfare reform has broken the cycle of dependence, and the state welfare rolls have dropped 60 percent since 1994. Yet there are signs that the impact of welfare reform has been uneven, that not all of those who no longer receive help are fully self-sufficient.

While the rest of us ruminate on the meanings of this incongruity, Garrison lives it every day.

Lisa Stegner, a caseworker for Adult and Family Services, says her colleagues dread showdowns with Garrison. Watching her in a meeting is like watching a hurricane, she says. "It's because she is so vocal and so incredibly brave. But that's hard to take. People think, 'Oh God, Cassandra's coming to this meeting,' and they brace themselves."

There is no better example of what Garrison faces than these two statistics: Adult and Family Services reports that food-stamp rolls have declined 19.2 percent over the past three years. During the same period, demand on the private, nonprofit Oregon Food Bank has increased 20 percent.

Jim Neely, deputy administrator at AFS, says part of the food-stamp decline is intended.

"Congress intended to save $25 billion in five years by eliminating certain groups and tightening requirements for others," he says. "It should be no surprise to anyone that food-stamp rolls have decreased." Under the Welfare Reform Act, he points out, food-stamp benefits to illegal residents were eliminated, and benefits to able-bodied single people were drastically reduced.

Additionally, the federally established gross-income cutoff point for food stamps has not kept up with the cost of living. A family of three loses benefits at $1,500 per month. There are other restrictions that limit qualification. Also, owning a car worth any more than $4,650--the value of, say, a 1993 Plymouth Duster--pushes people off the rolls. The car allotment has not increased substantially since 1977. If it had kept up with inflation, the value would be around $12,000 today.

As food-stamp rolls continue to decline, the Oregon Food Bank is growing. A $27 million private charity supported mostly by donations from the food industry, the Food Bank distributes food boxes to 250 outlets in Oregon and Clark County, Wash.

Command central for the Food Bank is a massive warehouse on Riverside Drive in North Portland's industrial district. That warehouse and a second on North Williams Avenue give the organization 55,000 square feet for mountains of cardboard boxes. They're big, but not big enough. Last year the food bank distributed 460,000 boxes of donated food to area food pantries statewide, a 14-percent increase over the previous year. This week the Food Bank is going to the state emergency board to ask for $2.35 million to build a new warehouse that will allow it to increase capacity nearly 25 percent.

"We're here to get food for hungry people, and we will continue to do that," says Kim Thomas, policy director at the Food Bank. "But the Food Bank was never intended to meet 100 percent of people's food needs."

The demand on the food bank has expanded beyond just food, however. It has become a one-stop referral center for people who have been pushed off the welfare system.

In 1998, Garrison was hired by the Oregon Food Bank to be one of three policy advocates, to reach out into the low-income community to help people get both food boxes and food stamps. Her boss, Kim Thomas, says she has taken that charge and made it an explosion.

"She is fearless and has negotiated clients through the entire system," Thomas says. "I don't know if that's a direction we plotted at the food bank, but when I saw that she was keeping people from being evicted, I wasn't about to stop it."

Garrison, 42 and a single mother, works days at the Oregon Food Bank and two nights a week taking calls for the Oregon Human Rights Coalition, another welfare-rights group. She trolls the city for those not taking advantage of public services, going to places like Multnomah County's community court looking for prostitutes and petty thieves who may have turned to crime because they were too intimidated by the state benefits system.

"They are always surprised when I call that anyone gives a shit," she says, "because so few people do."

She takes calls from clients around the clock. She has three voicemails, a cell phone and a pager. Clients who phone her at home in the Brooklyn neighborhood will hear a jungle cacophony in the background as her 12 birds, six cats, one dog, two box tortoises, two rats and one guinea pig call for her attention. She is a one-woman humane society for both animals and people.

It's no surprise that Garrison takes her work personally. A former welfare mom herself, she used state assistance to support herself and her daughter while attending Portland State University in the early 1990s.

"That's where I learned to demand what I got," she says. "I lived this."

Now, she says, AFS, in ways both subtle and overt, is keeping people off food stamps.

She rattles off a rapid-fire litany of complaints: that AFS accepts new food-stamp applications for only a few hours each morning, making it difficult for working people. That receptionists pre-screen clients without the expertise to do so. That offices split the caseloads by zip code, so that someone living a few blocks from an office might have to go to an AFS office miles away.

"We can cut AFS some slack for the problems that are due to federal limitations," she says. "But what I'm seeing is systemic problems that are keeping people from getting help."

Jerry Burns, district manager for AFS in Multnomah County, faces Garrison's wrath frequently. Recently she sent him a box of whitewash because she says he was glossing over one of her complaints about a client.

He says carefully, "She's critical of us. It's something I expect. I respect her, and we have a very good relationship, and I expect as long as the two of us are around we'll have issues."

At the same time, Burns denies that his office is systematically keeping people off food stamps.

"AFS is not denying food stamps to people who are eligible," he says. And yet, he admits that the morning intake hours are difficult for working people to get to and that the zip-code cutoffs are "ridiculous." Largely because of complaints from Garrison and other advocates, the agency is working to address the problems, he says.

Garrison snorts at what she sees as AFS's snail's pace. She holds AFS to an impossibly high standard--her own. "I can talk on the phone, work on the computer and help whomever's sitting in front of me," she says. "Why can't they do better there?"

Thomas, who is responsible for unleashing Garrison on AFS, doesn't always agree with her harsh criticism. She says AFS case managers, like everyone working with poverty today, are besieged. Still, she says, things are better today than they were two years ago, and she credits her hot-headed employee.

"We're social-service workers," Thomas says. "We're trained to be polite. But more change has happened in the [two] years she's been here than in the past 10 years I've been here. I have to think if she was polite and professional like me, would we have the same results? Now, things are rumbling."

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Willamette Week | originally published February 23, 2000

file:///Sangfroid/#Web%20Pages/pages-archive/Portland%20Travel%20Specials! Phys Ed: guide to a better body

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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